Showing posts with label Translation studies. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Translation studies. Show all posts

The Monolingual National Gallery

The titles and details of the fascinating paintings in the Sainsbury Wing of the National Gallery are all in English. I think these should additionally be given in the language of the painter, throughout the Gallery, out of respect, to facilitate identification of titles in some cases, and to avoid the invidious dilemma of selecting a second world language. The (few) English paintings should have translations in French. This would require a rolling financial plan. I do not know how long the Gallery can continue to be free to visitors, but if a charge is made, I hope all who are in full-time education will be exempt.

Peter Newmark (1993) Paragraphs on Translation, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, p. 121.

Two Museums

In the Mauritshuis at the Hague (den Haag or 's-Gravenhage (Du); la Haye (F); laHaya (S): l'Aia (I); der Haag (G)), the paintings are marked only with the names of their painters and the dates on their frames. The more important ones in each room can be identified by reference to cardboard-backed printed sheets in Dutch, English, German and French, which give their titles, small photographed reproductions and brief useful analyses, which are pleasingly closely translated from the Dutch. (An interesting 'howler' was the translation of deugdzamheid (Tugendhaftigkeit (G); Vertu (F)) as 'virtuosity' (from 'virtuoso') instead of 'virtue' or 'virtuousness'.)

I think this is a good translation service, superior to the usual monolingual and bilingual systems, which should be a thing of the past, but it is a pity that the remaining paintings cannot at least have their titles translated at the bottom of the sheets. (Some of the finest Dutch paintings are hung in this museum, such as the Vermeer 'Head of a young girl'.)

At the Stedelijk Museum of 19th and 20th Century art in Amsterdam, all paintings have brief details in Dutch and English only, which is regrettable, particularly in the case of the 'third country' paintings, but which is the way things are going in a country where shop-window signs are in English as often as in Dutch.

Peter Newmark (1993) Paragraphs on Translation, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, p. 111.

More on French Economic Translation

1. Top heavy sentences. Sentences that begin with long noungroups, premodified and post-modified by groups or clauses, appear to be typical of some French academic styles:

Instituéi par un décret du 9 janvier 1967, ce système de réserves obligatoires, déjà utilisé dans de nombreux pays étrangers, visait à . ..

(Literal translation: 'instituted by a decree of January 9 1967, this system of obligatory reserves, already used in numerous foreign countries, aimed to . . .')

(Close translation: 'This system of obligatory reserves, which was already widely used abroad, was introduced by a decree of January 9 1967. Its purpose was to . . .')

I suggest that translators should consider recasting top-heavy sentences.

2. Long sentences. Instinctive 'sourcerers' and 'immediate' translators like myself always have to reconsider and be prepared to recast long sentences in non-authoritative texts.

3. Key-words. The repetition of key-words within a TL sentence can sometimes help to 'ease' and clarify the translation:

A l'origine, le montant de ces dépôts non-remunérés était calculé en appliquant au volume des seules exigibilités de chaque banque un pourcentage fixé par la Banque de France à l'intérieur de limites définies par le Conseil National du Credit.

Literal translation: 'Originally, the amount of these non-remunerated deposits was calculated by applying to each bank's liabilities alone a percentage fixed by the Bank of France within limits defined by the National Credit Council.'

Close translation: 'Originally the amount of these non-interest bearing deposits was calculated by applying a percentage of the volume of each bank's liabilities, a percentage which was fixed by the Banque de France within limits defined by the Conseil National du Credit'.

(Acknowledgements to Jenny Marty, one of the awfully increasing 15%, i.e. the students who are brighter than the teacher.)

By analogy, a key word can conveniently be referred to (in the same sentence) by a hold-all word:

Le chômage engendré par la substitution du capital au travail accélerée par la hausse des coûts salariaux.

Literal translation: 'Unemployment engendered by the substitution of capital for work accelerated by the rise in wage costs.'

Close translation: 'Unemployment created by the substitution of capital for labour, a process which is accelerated by the rise in the cost of labour (or 'wage costs').'

4. Words ending in -ble. Generally, adjectives ending in -ble, -bar, -bile, -bil, etc., are intertranslatable, though Slavonic languages only appear to have a dual purpose past participle plus -yi suffix. If the TL equivalent is not as common as its SL correspondent, it can be replaced by 'which can be plus past participle'. (Ressources mobilisables, 'resources that can be called on'.) When -ble words are used in one of the two possible senses, they may have to be clarified in the translation. ('Unreadable' as 'illegible' as illisible, or as pénible à lire. )

Compare also: l'alibi dune zone de libre-échange soluble dans le marché mondial. Close translation: 'the excuse for a free exchange zone which can merge with the world market'.

5. The force of abbreviation. Who would think that an 'inaugural' meant 'inaugural lecture' (leçon inaugurale or d'ouverture)? Similarly, effets are effets de commerce, 'bills' or 'bills of exchange', and un commerce is un fonds de commerce, a 'business' unless it is 'goodwill'.

Translators sometimes have to look out for compounds with missing components.

6. Selecting the basic component of meaning. Faced with la datefétiche assignée au commencement du grand marché, I think the best one can do is to review the components of fétiche, viz. religious, symbolical, magical, beneficial, charismatic, obsessional. Here perhaps 'the charismatic date assigned to the opening of the single market'.

7. Vogue words. I don't think translators should encourage the diffusion of vogue-words like espace. Thus for ce que l'on est convenu d'appeler l'espace social européen, which is slanted who has agreed? and in which languages? I would translate as 'what we may refer to as the social aspect of the European Community'. Note also that liberal has become a vogue-word in the sense of 'free-market' rather than 'conservative' or 'right wing' (compare Thody and Evans's invaluable Faux-Amis and Keywords):

L'emprise de l'idéologie dite libérale sur l'esprit public ira s'affaiblissant: 'the hold of free-market ideology on main stream opinion is about to weaken gradually'. (N.B., to my critics, this text is far from authoritative; if de Gaulle had written it, my translation would have been different.)

Peter Newmark (1993) Paragraphs on Translation, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, pp. 85-86.

Limits of Literal Translation

This on the back of a postcard from Chiavari on the Italian riviera:

Lungomare e porto
Promenade along the sea and harbour
Promenade le long de la mer et port
Promenade den (sic) Meer entlang und Hafen.

'Along the sea' appears unnecessary in the English, and le long de la mer possibly in the French, as the Promenade des Anglais is not far away in Nice. In German, Promenade is perhaps not so common in this sense, so dem Meer entlang (alt. Strandpromenade) is justified. 'Esplanade' is available in English, but has a different meaning in French and German.

Peter Newmark (1993) Paragraphs on Translation, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, p. 65. 

Art Galleries

It is time all reputable art galleries and museums added at least one translation to the titles of their exhibits. The Kroller Müller has English translations (the Van Goghs not always consistent), but the Prado is as monolingual as the National Gallery and the Musée d'Orsay. The Prado should finally determine the correct title of the only painting which (in the Prado, not in repro), in my experience, has the power, the impact and the humanity of the greatest music and literature, - the confrontation of the terrified animal humans with the faceless mass machine - Goya's El Tres de Mayo de 1808, en Madrid: los fusilamientos en la Montaña del Principe Pio. ('The executions shootings? - of the Third of May'.) Again, the Prado should issue a standard translation of the title. The painting is popularly referred to as Los Fusilamientos.

Peter Newmark (1993) Paragraphs on Translation, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, p. 57.

Metaphors in Economic Texts

A Revue des Valeurs ('securities review') article in Le Monde opens: Après avoir soufflé trois semaines, le vent de la baisse, à l'image des bourrasques de l'hiver, s'est éloigné ces derniersjours des rives de la Bourse de Paris, non sans s'être retourné, comme à regret, pourfaire encore unpeu plier la cote.

As for all metaphors, there is a choice, in principle, of two translations:

1. 'In the last few days, the wind of price falls (financial decline?), (like the squalls of winter?), after blowing for three weeks, has moved away from the Paris Bourse, but has returned (rather reluctantly?) and slightly brought prices down again.

2. 'After a three weeks decline in prices, the market stabilised, but recently there has been a slight downturn.'

Although the metaphor is prolonged and may be considered picturesque, I think it is rather daft, so I prefer the second version.

Peter Newmark (1993) Paragraphs on Translation, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, pp. 51-52.

Approaching an Economic Text

Many economic texts are built up on a balance between two agents, each represented by a number of key-words; thus you can have, on the one hand, actif patrimoine, entrée, recettes, revenu, dépôt, avoirs, credit etc., depending sometimes on whether you are looking at them from the lender's or the borrower's point of view; on the other hand, passif, dette, perte, exigibilités, investissement, placement etc. Or it may be between État, gouvernement, budget and fonction publique on the one hand, and, on the other, Commissariat général au Plan, Commission des Comptes and comptes de la nation. You are pursuing two thin threads, sometimes intertwined sometimes disentangling, going through the whole text.

Peter Newmark (1993) Paragraphs on Translation, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, p. 35.

French Medical Language Revisited

How delightful to return after ten years, if only for three weeks, to the mad world of French medical language. Here are a few snippets:

L'équipe soignante suscite un système de relations (i.e. 'the nurses want the patients to have company' or now 'to form networks').

Ils subissent une situation particulièrement contraignante o ils doivent mobiliser des mécanismes de défense. ('When faced with a particularly frustrating situation, the patients' defence mechanisms have to come into play!)

Le fait même de cette création, la spécificité de la pédiatrie dans ce cadre, et la cooptation réciproque des premiers membres de cette équipe ont favorisé le développement rapide d'une idéologie soignante commune, destinée, au moyen d' un travail d'équipe, à une meilleure maitrise de la situation ci-dessus définie. ('The team has had to work out a common approach and procedures to control this situation, drawing on their technical resources and special paediatric skills, and also recruiting additional staff.')

Cette approche prend une dimension particulière. ('We had to adopt a particular approach.')

Finally, an extract from the English translation of the abstract: 'In a Service of Pediatric Oncology, after studying what does the patients and their families need, it is possible to set up an organisation of adapted cares.' (sic)

This, at one remove, is the crazy world of Barthes, Baudrillard and Bourdieu, not to mention Foucault, Greimas, Kristeva and Derrida, transferred to the other world of medical literature. Then there 'arrived' André Gorz, who writes plain French, plain language. How long will he last?

Peter Newmark (1993) Paragraphs on Translation, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, p. 34.

Pragmatic equivalence

On the question of what kind of contrastive studies we need as a basis for the training of translators, I say: no linguistic contrastive system so far proposed will do. We need to get away from the linguistic organization and look at reality, precisely because that reality is encoded in situations and texts for the translator and not in languages. He is not concerned with what the language encoding is or ought not to be. The fact that he thinks he is and makes mistakes thereby is another matter. (Denison; twelfth and concluding discussion in Grähs et al., 1978: 348)

the text cannot be considered as a static specimen of language (an idea still dominant in practical translation classes), but essentially as the verbalized expression of an author’s intention as understood by the translator as reader, who then recreates this whole for another readership in another culture. (Snell-Hornby, 1988: 2)
[...] Here, we will be concerned with the way utterances are used in communicative situations and the way we interpret them in context. This is a highly complex but fascinating area of language study, known as pragmatics. Pragmatics is the study of language in use. It is the study of meaning, not as generated by the linguistic system but as conveyed and manipulated by participants in a communicative situation. Of the variety of notions that are central to this particular area of language study, I have chosen two which I believe to be particularly helpful in exploring the question of ‘making sense’ and in highlighting areas of difficulty in crosscultural communication. These are coherence and implicature. [...]

Mona Baker (1992) In Other Words: A Coursebook on Translation, Routledge: London and New York, pp. 217-218.

Textual equivalence: cohesion

Each language has its own patterns to convey the interrelationships of persons and events; in no language may these patterns be ignored, if the translation is to be understood by its readers. (Callow, 1974: 30)

The topic of cohesion . . . has always appeared to me the most useful constituent of discourse analysis or text linguistics applicable to translation. (Newmark, 1987: 295)
Cohesion is the network of lexical, grammatical, and other relations which provide links between various parts of a text. These relations or ties organize and, to some extent create a text, for instance by requiring the reader to interpret words and expressions by reference to other words and expressions in the surrounding sentences and paragraphs. Cohesion is a surface relation; it connects together the actual words and expressions that we can see or hear (cf. coherence, Chapter 7). This chapter draws heavily on the best known and most detailed model of cohesion available. This is the model outlined by Halliday and Hasan in Cohesion in English (1976). It is worth noting, however, that other models have been proposed by various linguists (see, for instance, Callow, 1974; Gutwinski, 1976; de Beaugrande and Dressler, 1981; Hoey, 1988, 1991).

Halliday and Hasan identify five main cohesive devices in English: reference, substitution, ellipsis, conjunction, and lexical cohesion. [...]

Mona Baker (1992) In Other Words: A Coursebook on Translation, Routledge: London and New York, p. 180.

Textual equivalence: thematic and information structures

a sentence is not autonomous, it does not exist for its own sake but as part of a situation and part of a text. And one of the most important functions of information dynamics is precisely to link a sentence to its environment in a manner which allows the information to flow through the text in the desired manner. (Enkvist, 1978a: 178)

A translator should be aware not only of cognitive meanings and basic syntactic structures in his text, but also of its information dynamics. Such an awareness does not necessarily imply theoretical sophistication in linguistics, or an ability to analyze sentences into themes, rhemes, and focally marked or unmarked elements. Here too a translator must rely on intuition and Sprachgefühl. But in situations where theory may be of help, even in defining problems rather than in solving them, it should not be avoided. (ibid.: 180)
We ended the last chapter with a brief discussion of word order and of text. It was suggested then that the linear arrangement of linguistic elements plays a role in organizing messages at text level. In this chapter, we resume our discussion of word order as a textual strategy (rather than a grammatical feature) and explore a number of ways in which its role in controlling information flow can be explained. 

To illustrate what is meant by ‘information flow’, consider some possible formulations of sentence (2) in the following extract from Stephen Hawking’s A Brief History of Time (1988: 3).

(1) Ptolemy’ s model provided a reasonably accurate system for predicting the positions of heavenly bodies in the sky.

(2) a. But Ptolemy had to make an assumption that the moon followed a path that sometimes brought it twice as close to the earth as other times, in order to predict these positions correctly. 

(2) b. But an assumption that Ptolemy had to make in order to predict these positions correctly was that the moon followed a path that sometimes brought it twice as close to the earth as at other times. 

(2) c. But in order to predict these positions correctly, Ptolemy had to make an assumption that the moon followed a path that sometimes brought it twice as close to the earth as at other times.

(3) And that meant that the moon ought sometimes to appear twice as big as at other times! 

Clause as a message can be analysed in terms of two types of structure: (a) thematic structure (5.1.1) and (b) information structure (5.1.2). There are two main approaches to the analysis of clause as a message. The Hallidayan approach treats thematic and information structures as separate, though often overlapping features of discourse organization. The two structures are seen to be essentially distinct from each other. Linguists belonging to the Prague School by and large conflate the two structures and combine them in the same description (see section 5.2 below). The two approaches are often at odds with each other and can produce completely different analyses of the same clause. However, translators with different linguistic backgrounds should benefit from a brief exposure to both points of view. Here, as elsewhere, a translator would be well advised to use those explanations which are compatible with the languages that are of interest to him/her and ignore the rest.

Both approaches are outlined below, starting with a general overview which follows the Hallidayan or ‘separating’ approach. For a good overview of both positions, see Fries (1983), who refers to them as the ‘separating’ approach and the ‘combining’ approach.

Mona Baker (1992) In Other Words: A Coursebook on Translation, Routledge: London and New York, pp. 120-121.

Grammatical equivalence

Lexical resources are not the only factor which influences the way in which we analyse and report experience. Another powerful factor which determines the kind of distinctions we regularly make in reporting experience is the grammatical system of our language. In the course of reporting events, every language makes a different selection from a large set of possible distinctions in terms of notions such as time, number, gender, shape, visibility, person, proximity, animacy, and so on. There is no uniform or objective way of reporting events in all their detail, exactly as they happen in the real world; the structure of each language highlights, and to a large extent preselects, certain areas which are deemed to be fundamental to the reporting of any experience.

Grammar is the set of rules which determine the way in which units such as words and phrases can be combined in a language and the kind of information which has to be made regularly explicit in utterances. A language can, of course, express any kind of information its speakers need to express, but the grammatical system of a given language will determine the ease with which certain notions such as time reference or gender can be made explicit. Centuries ago, the Greeks and Romans assumed that notional categories such as time, number, and gender existed in the real world and must therefore be common to all languages. All languages, they thought, must express these ‘basic’ aspects of experience on a regular basis. With greater exposure to other languages, it later became apparent that these so-called ‘basic’ categories are not in fact universal, and that languages differ widely in the range of notions they choose to make explicit on a regular basis. In this chapter, we will take a brief look at the variety of grammatical categories which may or may not be expressed in different languages and the way this area of language structure affects decisions in the course of translation. But before we do so, it may be helpful to outline some of the main differences between lexical and grammatical categories.

Mona Baker (1992) In Other Words: A Coursebook on Translation, Routledge: London and New York, pp. 82-83.

Lexical meaning

every word (lexical unit) has . . . something that is individual, that makes it different from any other word. And it is just the lexical meaning which is the most outstanding individual property of the word. (Zgusta, 1971:67)

The lexical meaning of a word or lexical unit may be thought of as the specific value it has in a particular linguistic system and the ‘personality’ it acquires through usage within that system. It is rarely possible to analyse a word, pattern, or structure into distinct components of meaning; the way in which language works is much too complex to allow that. Nevertheless, it is sometimes useful to play down the complexities of language temporarily in order both to appreciate them and to be able to handle them better in the long run. With this aim in mind, we will now briefly discuss a model for analysing the components of lexical meaning. This model is largely derived from Cruse (1986), but the description of register (2.2.3 below) also draws on Halliday (1978). For alternative models of lexical meaning see Zgusta (1971: Chapter 1) and Leech (1974: Chapter 2). According to Cruse, we can distinguish four main types of meaning in words and utterances (utterances being stretches of written or spoken text): propositional meaning, expressive meaning, presupposed meaning, and evoked meaning

Mona Baker (1992) In Other Words: A Coursebook on Translation, Routledge: London and New York, pp. 12-13.

Equivalence above word level

It goes without saying that words rarely occur on their own; they almost always occur in the company of other words. But words are not strung together at random in any language; there are always restrictions on the way they can be combined to convey meaning. Restrictions which admit no exceptions, and particularly those which apply to classes of words rather than individual words, are usually written down in the form of rules. One of the rules of English, for example, is that a determiner cannot come after a noun. A sequence such as beautiful girl the is therefore inadmissible in English. Some restrictions are more likely to admit exceptions and apply to individual words rather than classes of words. These cannot be expressed in terms of rules, but they can nevertheless be identified as recurrent patterns in the language. In the following sections, we will concentrate on this type of lexical patterning. We will discuss, for instance, the ‘likelihood’ of certain words occurring with other words and the naturalness or typicality of the resulting combinations. In particular, we will address the difficulties encountered by translators as a result of differences in the lexical patterning of the source and target languages. Lexical patterning will be dealt with under two main headings: collocation and idioms and fixed expressions.

Mona Baker (1992) In Other Words: A Coursebook on Translation, Routledge: London and New York, pp. 46-47.

Is there a one-to-one relationship between word and meaning?

If you consider a word such as rebuild, you will note that there are two distinct elements of meaning in it: re and build, i.e. ‘to build again’. The same applies to disbelieve which may be paraphrased as ‘not to believe’. Elements of meaning which are represented by several orthographic words in one language, say English, may be represented by one orthographic word in another, and vice versa. For instance, tennis player is written as one word in Turkish: tenisçi; if it is cheap as one word in Japanese: yasukattara; but the verb type is rendered by three words in Spanish: pasar a maquina. This suggests that there is no one-to-one correspondence between orthographic words and elements of meaning within or across languages.

Mona Baker (1992) In Other Words: A Coursebook on Translation, Routledge: London and New York, p. 11.

Some Notes on Legal Translation

Legal translations, like legal documents, have to be flawless, not only referentially but linguistically, unlike any other type of translation. Anything less is unsatisfactory. Terms of art have to be translated by their exact equivalents, and if these do not exist, they have to be transferred and closely defined (Thus in French, common law, may in context have to be transferred and distinguished from droit coutumier). Non-legal words, which usually constitute the bulk of any legal text, have to be precisely accounted for, and emphases preserved.

My impression is that legal language and terminology are more orderly than the terms of other branches of knowledge, particularly medicine, the most ancient and the most chaotic. Lawyers often have to define their terms before they use them, especially in the case of contracts. (Lawyers are linguists; doctors and engineers are not.)

Pitfalls are innumerable. An entrepreneur (F) may be an entrepreneur, but he's more likely to be a 'contractor'. A term such as association (F) has many legal meanings when it has collocates such as momentanée (joint venture, in Belgium), en participation (partnerships of various kinds), syndicale (property owners' syndicate), de malfaiteurs ('criminal conspiracy'), whilst 'association' (E) has technical meanings in psychology, chemistry and ecology, sometimes unhelpfully obscured by a lack of collocates. But even in legal texts, when terms such as association, définitif (definitive, not final), société, structure etc are used non-technically, as ordinary language, and without collocates (note structure d'accueil, 'reception facilities') they should be translated literally.

A semi-legal collocation may have several meanings: tomber dans le domaine public: 'come out of copyright', 'become government property', 'fall within the public domain' (no longer secret).

The essence of legal language is not spoken but written language, not 'how would you say it?' or 'would you hear a lawyer say that? but 'would you see that in a legal document?' Pétrole may be called 'oil' or 'crude', but in a legal or scientific document it is 'petroleum'.

Many of the 'targeteer's' normal ideas of style go by the board in legal translation. An annexe (F) is an 'annex' (E), not an 'appendix'; a juxtaposition (F) is a 'juxtaposition', not an 'association'. Such correspondences may not apply in the case of collocations. But normally, literal translation comes into its own. In fact, there are little differences of meaning in these examples, but clients will frequently try to exaggerate them. (I use the coinages 'targeteer' for a target language-oriented translator, 'sourcerer' for a source-language oriented translator. Both terms are 'translations' of Ladmiral's ciblistes and sourciers respectively.)

For the lay person, legal language is a minefield. Who would think that à la diligence du ministre is not 'at the insistence' but 'at the request' or 'on the initiative of the minister'?

Peter Newmark (1993) Paragraphs on Translation, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, pp. 16-17.

On Technical Translation

In a technical text, one wants to use terms used by experts, either practitioners or academies, always assuming that the readership is correspondingly expert. Nothing wrong with translating spéléologue as 'caver', la rivière souterraine as 'the river cave' or le système des circulations souterraines as 'the drainage' for practitioners; 'speleologist', 'underground river' and 'underground water flow system' for academics. The first versions are narrower and more concrete than the second.

Again, concretion is more precise than 'formation', and although 'concretion' is a perfectly valid English word, 'formation' is justified if it is more commonly used by experts, and is likely to be well understood in its context. In an informative technical text, the translation's function is to give the information clearly, neatly and elegantly (that is its 'literary' quality), preferably in professional language (technical and ordinary). It need not give all the information explicit in the original, provided it is implicit in the translation, and that the reader is likely to grasp it.

Peter Newmark (1993) Paragraphs on Translation, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, p. 2.

Some Notes on (French) Economic Translation

I think the basis of a good economic textbook often resembles the bones of a human skeleton, where the main features are duplicated in strong oppositions or contrasts, and there are clear divisions and subdivisions. (Compare the 'Text' of Roget's great Thesaurus.) This is particularly so in a 'science' like economics, whose only purpose is to promote the welfare of humanity, but whose content is fundamentally mathematical, a constant balance or up and down of assets and liabilities, profit and loss, credit and debit, income and expenditure, exports and imports, input and output, etc.

It is these oppositions, and often the hierarchies which they head, that translators have to search for and preserve, say in Denise Flouzat's challenging and nicely written Economie contemporaine: Cette analyse a permis de préciser l'équilibre de parfaite concurrence de longue periode: celui-cisera atteint auplan de chaque producteur quandil aura déterminé une capacité productive telle qu'il y aura disparition du profit moyen (profit considéré comme anormal). Autrement dit, l'entrepreneur cessera d'investir quand l'investissement additionnel entrainera l'égalisation entre le prix (recette moyenne) et le coût moyen. Tant que le profit moyen subsistera, d'autres entreprises investiront et, suscitant une concurrence accrue, feront baisser les prix jusqu' au niveau où le coût moyen est minimal. (t. I,p.484). This is clear, but the cartesianism is dizzy-making. In the following version I make 'changes' only to bring out the contrasts: 'In this analysis, the equilibrium of perfect competition over a long period is demonstrated. A producer achieves this equilibrium when s/he establishes a productive capacity at the point where average profit disappears, and the profit is therefore considered 'abnormal'. In other words, an entrepreneur gives up investing when additional investment causes prices (average receipts) and average costs to become equal. As long as there continues to be average profit, other companies continue to invest, and as they invite increased competition, they bring down prices to the point where average costs are minimal.'

Grammatically, there are few problems in economic texts; one misses the syntactically contorted and lexically overblown sentences of the French medical press. What is sometimes perplexing is the abrupt use of an adjective or a past or present participle (e.g. Etendu à une large population, il réflète mal . . .) in the first position of a sentence, which can represent any kind of adverbial clause (when, if, because, although, whilst etc), where the context may not indicate what is intended. However, it is effectively used here: Difficile déja au plan national, l'utilisation des indices de prix de détail pour établir des comparaisons internationales est très discutable, car les structures de consommation different d'un pays à l'autre. ('The use of retail price indices is difficult enough (=déjà) on a national level, but when international comparisons are being made, it becomes extremely questionable, as consumer structures differ from one country to another.')

Lexically, an economic text consists of ordinary language, descriptive economic language, and standard (consacré) economic and institutional terms. As I see it, a translator is free to simplify or improve the ordinary or economic language, but the standard terms have where possible to be preserved in aspic (!), thus: L'indice des prix de gros qui comporte des décompositions (why not ventilations, one of my favourite words?) par catégories de produits . . . 'The wholesale price index, which is broken down in product categories' . . . Des révisions de cet indice doivent intervenir périodiquement . . . 'The index has to be revised periodically.' (I blow the syntax, the stresses and the order (i.e. the FSP), but the lexis is sacred.)

EC standard terms are immediately intertranslated, and the Commission produces invaluable French glossaries, but I have not seen any for German or other languages. Terms restricted to one country, such as 'junk bonds' (fortunately), 'en pension', 'market maker' (teneur du marché), 'at the money', 'back up lines' (see La Banque et les nouveaux instruments financiers, Revue Banque, 18 rue Lafayette, 75009 Paris), 'greenback' (when used technically; otherwise billet vert), are often transferred and defined, depending on the knowledge or the interest of the putative readership.

Some terms begin as descriptive before they become standard terms, e.g. les besoins de financement du secteur public, 'public sector borrowing requirement', with the help of an acronym (PSBR). In other cases, a metaphor such as circuit monétaire is continuously used, so that it may be best to translate it literally, enclosed in inverted commas, to denote its strangeness in an English text.

Loose 'stylish' use of synonyms in economic language has to be avoided: un abaissement uniforme du taux de l'impôt sur le revenu des personnes physiques has to be 'a uniform', not an 'equal', a 'unified', nor a 'homogeneous' 'reduction in the rate of personal income tax'. (Sur les personnes morales would presumably be 'corporation tax' in a wider sense than sur les sociétés.) However politiques inflationnistes is ambiguous: if it means 'policies that will cause inflation', it is 'inflationary'; if it means 'policies that favour inflation', it is 'inflationist'.

Peter Newmark (1993) Paragraphs on Translation, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, pp. 27-29.